The Impact of Drugs in Peru

Main Impacts

Public Health

The analysis of this phenomenon, including the increased use of drugs, is an issue of great interest on the public health level. It is necessary to know how involved on drugs is the population of a country to be able to develop actions that will contribute, in an effective manner, to reduce demand and modify production and traffic, that is, supply.

The professionals in charge of the design and implementation of drug prevention programs need more information on the characteristics of this problem in order to establish what populations are more at risk of being involved on drug abuse, and then which are the target groups for prevention work. For example, adolescents and youngsters, school children, people living in shantytowns or families having members doing drugs are the populations that receive greater attention in most of the present prevention programs.

Epidemiology is a science that seeks to describe the magnitude of a disease and the characteristics of those suffering from it in a determined geographical and time framework. In the case of drug abuse, epidemiology gathers information on the number of addicts, or the percentage of individuals that are at risk to be addicts. Also, it describes the demography and psychosocial characteristics of drug abusers and compares them with non-drug abusers, thus establishing a hypothesis on the factors that may be inducing the person to drug abuse.

Since the year 1986, in Peru CEDRO has held studies of drug abuse epidemiology at homes. Even though the methodology applied and coverage have had some variations from one study to another, in general, the purpose has been to keep the comparison of the results, in order to make a follow-up on drug-abuse tendencies and to establish the effects of the efforts on the fight against drugs in the country.

The data presented below is from the latest Epidemiology Study on Drug Abuse in Peru, made during 2003 in 7 cities of the 3 natural regions in the country.

Life prevalence of marihuana reached 10.3% of the population between 12 and 64 years of age, showing that 1 of 10 individuals has tried marihuana at least once in their lifetime. There was a higher life prevalence on men (19.5%) in comparison to women, and even though there are consumption cases in all ages, the percentage of those who have tried said substance is higher in the group between 19 and 24 years old (17.4%), and lower among those between 50 and 64 years old (5.9%), showing that 4.7% of individuals between the ages of 12 and 18 have already used marihuana at least once in their lifetime.

With regards to the residence region, there is a higher life prevalence in Lima (11.5%) than in the provinces (6.2%), even though the percentage of individuals surveyed in the jungle region that have used marihuana is close to the percentage in Lima (10.6%), thus showing that those are the sectors where the scenario is more serious regarding the initial approach to said substance. Individuals having a better education level presented a higher marihuana life prevalence, reaching a maximum of 16.3% of those not having a complete university education. Lower life prevalence is shown on individuals with lower education (none: 0.5% and pre-school: 0.0%). According to the socio-economical level, life prevalence was higher in the low socio-economical level (10.8%) and lower in the medium/high (5.7%), the opposite of what is shown in the case of social drugs.

6.1% of the population used marihuana for the first time between the ages of 12 and 18, and 3.9% between the ages of 19 and 24; the percentages of the first use of said substance after 25 years of age are small. Consistent with the higher involvement of males in marihuana use, they are represented in the reports with initial use at all ages.

Cocaine basic paste (PBC) life prevalence reached 4.1% of the population surveyed, showing higher percentages of some use among men (7.7%) than among women (0.9%). A difference shown with other drugs, the use of PBC some time in life is higher in the groups of older people and, specifically, the range between 25 and 49 years old. The lower life prevalence is shown on groups between the ages of 12 - 18, and 19 - 24 (1.5% and 1.6%, respectively).

According to the region of residence, it shows a higher life prevalence in the residents surveyed in the jungle area (7.2%), even higher than in Lima (4.3%); it is in the rest of the coast and sierra were lower percentages of PBC abuse are shown, at least once in the life time (1.8% and 1.7% respectively). The same as in the case of marihuana, the highest life prevalence of PBC is shown on those surveyed having not completed their university education (12.4%), and the lowest prevalence also on the population having lower education levels (none: 0.2%; pre-school: 0.0% and primary: 0.2%), a fact that has a direct relation with a much higher life prevalence in the lowest socio-economic sector (4.5%) compared to the group that has a better social condition, where prevalence is very low (0.1%).

Even though the small number of cases of PBC some time use does not reach definite conclusions, it shows a higher percentage of start in PBC use en the group between 12 - 18 years old (1.8%), and in the group between 19 - 24 (1.2%), but also cases of first use of the substance were detected between the ages of 30 - 39 (0.3%), consistent with a higher life prevalence in the older age groups.

Cocaine hydrochloride use sometime in life reached 3.9% of the population between 12 - 64 years old involved in this study, showing higher percentages of life prevalence in men (7.5%) than in women (0.6%), a fact also in the case of social drugs, marihuana, and PBC. The group between the ages of 19 and 24 showed a higher life prevalence of cocaine (7.4%) and the lowest life prevalence appeared in the group between the ages of 18 - 24 (1.1%), which is a critical issue due to the drug's strongly addictive characteristic.

The highest life prevalence of cocaine was shown in the Lima region (4.6%), more than double than prevalence in the jungle (1.7%) and far higher than prevalence in the sierra (0.6%). There were no cases of cocaine use on uneducated groups and those having pre-school education, overwhelmingly concentrating these cases in the group with complete non-university studies (9.4%), a fact also shown in the case of other illegal drugs. As in the case of other cocaine drugs, PBC, the prevalence of hydrochloride was higher in the lowest socio-economic sector (4.0%) compared to the medium/high sector (2.3%).

The age of cocaine first use appeared in the group between the ages of 12 - 18 (1.9%), followed by 1.2% of the population who mentioned a first use between the ages of 19 - 24. As in the case of PBC, it showed cases of first use even in the group between the ages of 30 - 39 (0.1%), always with a higher percentage of men than women.

To this respect, it has to be taken into account that drug use is a multidimensional problem. The variations in the indicators related to drug abuse are linked to multiple factors, among them the variations on drug prices on international markets, the levels of drug production and their availability in the cities, law enforcement, and the result of education and prevention campaigns held by public and private institutions.

Geopolitical Aspects

Since 1976, the increasing international demand for cocaine contributed to the extension of coca crops especially in the Peruvian Amazon region and with great intensity in the high jungle. The incomparable profitability of the product, its independency from the inefficient agrarian credit systems and the official trade mechanisms, involved the region in a sudden economic bonanza: accelerated immigration, disorderly growth, and the beginning of local leaderships based on economic power.

The limited presence of the State added to this situation of ambiguity because of the illegal characteristic related to a crop deeply ingrained in the history of the country; illegality associated to the processing and trade of derivatives of this ancient crop, as well as the presence of criminal organizations participating in said activities.

International debate on illegal substances focused at the beginning on deciding the responsibility among the so call producer countries and those who provide drug markets. In the case of the first ones, the source of the problem was on the demand that drug traffickers wanted to satisfy, while for the second ones, the problem was the illegal production that must be controlled.

Many countries have tried to establish agreements and international accords to control drug production. Simply it was assumed that the best way to fight against drug abuse was to control production in the production and processing sites, signing bilateral agreements where producer countries commit themselves to reduce their drug production.

Presently, the speech is focused on "Shared responsibility" among countries and societies.

The power held worldwide by the cocaine industry depends basically on two sources: a) its social base in production and initial processing; and b) is financial base on the trade and distribution circuit level in the market. These are two aspects that are part of the same cycle and, even though they are always present, have different weighs in the various countries that participate in this cycle.

In the case of international fight against drug trafficking it seems that the traditional transportation routes in Central America have a lesser relative importance, and that other countries are export channels and potential new markets as the case of Argentina, Brazil, Chile and Venezuela, whose young population is the victim of drug abuse.

In Peru, the financial base, the management of surplus derived from trade, and the power of drug barons has never been as relevant as in other countries. Maybe this is so because the country's participation in the cocaine industry is basically its agricultural dimension, and just recently it has concentrated on drug processing.

In the Peruvian case, drug barons are local and keep themselves away from the distribution and trade circuits in the international markets, without organizing international cartels. A great part of small national producers usually send the drug to local markets without organizing wide trade networks.

Presently, the law enforcement activities on production and drug trafficking are very intense and sustainable, and are focused on destroying the mafias involved, dismantling international networks operating in the country. Intelligence activities have obtained important results, but there are many things to be done to this respect.

Drugs and Subversion

For many years, coca areas suffered the devastating effects of subversive movements, who found in the rural and urban areas of the jungle a favorable environment for their activities, by using poverty, unemployment, and education restrictions on said areas as the expression of centralism that has characterized national development.

From the beginning, drug cartels backed their activities by hiring armed murderers who were in charge of drug laboratories and acted as bodyguards to drug barons. There was a constant movement of these groups, avoiding the police or armed forces in charge of public order.

In this violent environment, terrorism was active in the areas where police and armed forces had a low profile by avoiding entering and fighting in areas terrorism was present. Due to that fact, some areas were left under drug traffickers and subversive control, which at the beginning fought between them but later made an alliance of mutual support.

At a certain point, "Shining Path" settled in some areas as the protector of coca farmers interests, fighting on their behalf against police forces because their activity was considered illicit. This role as protector allowed said group to be seen as legal in some sectors of the population, creating an alliance network of mutual support in the departments of Huanuco, San Martín and Ucayali.

The subversive groups expressed their opinion on drug trafficking stating that cocaine is a substance for foreign markets and, because it does not harm the national population, there are no reasons at all to restrict the peasants right to plant coca; even more, eradication projects to destroy the crops had to be stopped.

In general, the relationship between drug trafficking and terrorism was collaboration: drug traffickers provided money and weapons in exchange of unrestricted activities, and in some cases, helped in the drug transportation. That was the pragmatic link they had while they avoided police operations. When interdiction activities got tighter and drug barons were arrested, the alliances ended and each one tried to survive on their own.

Presently, subversive groups are operating again in some areas of the national territory. Nevertheless, the Alternative Development Program and interdiction and eradication activities continue with an implementation component of agro-business development infrastructure, as well as with an education and cultural change component in the areas involved.

Drugs and Violence

In our society, drug production, traffic and consumption are associated within a violent and delinquent context. Certainly, when talking about drugs and violence the following has to be mentioned: a) violence associated to distribution mafias; b) violence exercised on coca farmers by drug trafficking; c) the social pressure of coca farmers well used by the drug trafficking interests; and d) violence derived from drug addicts compulsive desire and psychopath shown by delinquency on the streets, especially, but not exclusively, in the cities.

It has to be highlighted that violence associated to drug production relates to corruption.

Precisely, in Peru one of the most critical problems associating drugs and violence is present on the activities related to drug production. It is necessary to mention that both farm owners as well as peasants working in those plots are very vulnerable because drug plantations are associated with illicit activities. (Drug trafficking).

There are several groups of people related to the production and commerce of cocaine. Such are the so call 'traqueteros', middlemen that purchase illegal merchandise to peasants and small producers with the purpose of selling it to the collection firms. These middlemen may act independently or as agents hired by drug trafficking mafias. Ninety percent of coca crops are used for illegal drugs.

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